By Chris Barker, Chung-chieh Shan
This booklet takes options built by means of researchers in theoretical desktop technological know-how and adapts and applies them to the examine of common language that means. Summarizing greater than a decade of analysis, Chris Barker and Chung-chieh Shan recommend the Continuation speculation: that the that means of a usual language expression can depend upon its personal continuation. partly I, the authors advance a continuation-based thought of scope and quantificational binding and supply an evidence for order sensitivity in scope-related phenomena comparable to scope ambiguity, crossover, superiority, reconstruction, unfavourable polarity licensing, dynamic anaphora, and donkey anaphora. half II outlines an cutting edge substructural good judgment for reasoning approximately continuations and proposes an research of the compositional semantics of adjectives corresponding to 'same' when it comes to parasitic and recursive scope. It additionally indicates that definite situations of ellipsis may be taken care of as anaphora to a continuation, resulting in a brand new reason for a subtype of sluicing often called sprouting.
The publication makes an important contribution to paintings on scope, reference, quantification, and different significant elements of semantics and may entice semanticists in linguistics and philosophy at graduate point and above.
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Extra resources for Continuations and Natural Language
But with just one long-distance channel, there is little room for combining multiple effects, say, allowing two arbitrary pronouns to be bound by different quantifiers. More subtly, with just two-level towers, there is no adequate way to represent the full pattern of quantifier scope ambiguity. The problem is not that we can’t accommodate more than one quantifier in the same sentence; we’ve already seen a multi-quantifier derivation of Someone loves everyone above in (24). Rather, the problem is that this sentence is generally believed to be ambiguous, depending on the relative scope of the quantifiers.
Likewise, expressions in category A B also have semantic type α → β, as do expressions in categories B/A and B A. S S ≡ S (DP S), the semantic Thus since the syntactic category of everyone is DP type of everyone is (e → t) → t. This is exactly what we expect for an extensional generalized quantifier. κy, the typing correspondence forces x to be a variable of type e, and κ to be a variable of type e → t. In other words, as discussed in more depth in chapter (3), the continuation-based approach has led us more or less directly to the standard treatment of generalized quantifiers of Montague (1974) and Barwise and Cooper (1981).
Various modifications and extensions of c-command have been proposed to handle some of the data, but Barker (2012) argues that none of these redefinitions covers all of the data. Furthermore, as the derivation in (32) demonstrates, it is perfectly feasible to build a grammar in which a quantifier binds a pronoun without c-commanding it. Nothing special needs to be said; indeed, we would need to take special pains to impose a c-command requirement. In view of the data and the discussion in Barker (2012), then, we will assume that there is no c-command requirement on quantificational binding.