By David A. Karp, Gregory P. Stone, William C. Yoels, Nicholas P. Dempsey
This 3rd version of a vintage city sociology textual content examines severe yet often-neglected features of city lifestyles from a social-psychological theoretical perspective.
• presents an entire research of the real social mental dimensions of city existence which are frequently overlooked
• provides a complete description of the 19th-century theoretical roots of city sociology
• allows readers to determine concretely how theories are "applied" to light up the operation of a number city cultures, procedures, and structures
• Considers a few themes which are more likely to resonate with readers individually, equivalent to replacement ways to the idea that of "community," the day-by-day association of urban existence, and the phenomenon of city tolerance of diversity
• comprises an updated, new bankruptcy at the arts and concrete life
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Extra resources for Being Urban: A Sociology of City Life
In his formulation of Gesellschaft, Tönnies was heavily influenced by his antipathy to the social contours of contemporary Germany. ” Thus, he yearned for a return to the loving sentimentality of the Gemeinschaft. The associations of Gesellschaft are typically contracted in commodity exchange and sealed by promises and conventions that are as likely to be breached as to be fulfilled. For Tönnies, then, the development of Gesellschaft is part and parcel of the growth of commerce or trade. As commerce and trade become further elaborated, Gesellschaft becomes more pervasive.
Durkheim is here making a very important observation. In effect, he is saying that without the existence of sinners you cannot have a church, because the existence of sin provides the opportunity for believers to reaffirm the faith that has been offended by the sinner. It is impossible, therefore, for a church completely to eliminate sin from the world and to propagate its faith to the entire society. In The Rules of Sociological Method, Durkheim points out that in a community of saintly monks, “faults that appear venial to the ordinary person will arouse the same scandal as does normal crime in ordinary consciences” (100).
To the extent that the sanctions attached to the legal rules of a society are repressive in nature, that is, demanding retaliation and punishment, they reflect the presence of mechanical solidarity. In its most unqualified form, the collective conscience is represented by an impersonal form violently and passionately embraced by the society’s members. Consequently, offenses against it evoke an immediate and direct response. Such offenses must be repressed, for they symbolically threaten and violate the integrity of the society as a whole.